
By Yekini Jimoh
Introduction
The June 20, 2026 Ekiti State governorship election is shaping up to be a test case for the Independent National Electoral Commission’s renewed commitment to electoral integrity under Prof. Joash Amupitan, SAN. In a visit to Ado-Ekiti last week, the INEC Chairman presented the updated voters’ register to political parties and issued a blunt warning: vote buying will not be tolerated, and offenders must be arrested and prosecuted.
Amupitan’s posture suggests a deliberate effort to position Ekiti as a model off-cycle election, applying lessons drawn from INEC’s conduct of the Anambra State governorship poll last November and the Federal Capital Territory Area Council election held weeks ago. With 1,059,660 registered voters on the Ekiti register, the stakes are high. If INEC can deliver a free, fair, and transparent poll while decisively tackling vote trading, Ekiti could set a benchmark for the 2027 general elections.
Lessons from Anambra: Credibility Through Preparation
The Anambra governorship election of November 8, 2025, provided INEC under Amupitan with both validation and a checklist of areas for improvement. On the positive side, the Commission achieved a 98.8% PVC collection rate out of 2,802,790 registered voters, a feat attributed to decentralized distribution and a five-day extension for collection. Observers linked the smooth conduct to extensive pre-election preparation, including the configuration of 6,879 Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) machines and the deployment of over 3,000 vehicles and 83 boats for riverine areas.
Amupitan himself emphasized that “all 5,718 polling units must open simultaneously at 8:30 a.m.” and deployed four National Commissioners and ten Resident Electoral Commissioners to supervise the exercise. The result was widespread commendation from observer groups for INEC’s professionalism and transparency.
Yet Anambra also exposed persistent challenges. The Electoral Hub noted incidents of vote buying with payments ranging between N3,000 and N20,000 per voter, and observer groups flagged late arrival of materials in 72% of polling units as at 7:30 a.m.. Voter turnout remained low at 21.4%, reflecting continued apathy. For Ekiti, the takeaway is clear: logistics must be tighter, and vote buying must be confronted head-on, not merely lamented after the fact.
FCT Council Poll: The Cost of Voter Apathy and Weak Enforcement
The February 21, 2026 FCT Area Council election offered another recent data point. INEC had 1,682,315 registered voters in the FCT, but only 239,210 — 14.24% — participated. In AMAC, turnout was just 7.8%. Rights group CHRICED warned that the low participation, coupled with reported vote buying, late arrival of materials, and lax enforcement of guidelines, exposed “major weaknesses in the system.”
Amupitan appears to have absorbed this lesson. At the FCT election, INEC and security agencies had already reaffirmed their commitment to tackling vote buying, noting that successful prosecutions had been recorded in three states through collaboration with anti-graft agencies. For Ekiti, the Commission is going further: Amupitan is directly tasking the EFCC, ICPC, and the police to “ensure that those involved are arrested and promptly prosecuted”. The message is that enforcement must move beyond arrests on election day to actual prosecution.
Ekiti as the Model: Amupitan’s Strategic Focus
Amupitan’s visit to Ekiti last week was not ceremonial. Presenting the voters’ register 30 days before the election, as required by the Electoral Act, he framed the exercise as “a constitutional and statutory duty… aimed at reinforcing the integrity, transparency and credibility of the electoral process.”
His warning against vote buying was unambiguous. He described it as “one of the major challenges and constraints of our electoral process” and a criminal offence under the Electoral Act. He urged political parties to refrain from inducement, calling vote trading “a big minus to the electoral process in Nigeria”. He also cautioned against smear-based campaigns, stressing that campaigns should be issue-based. b49b225219e4
Several elements suggest Amupitan intends Ekiti to be a model:
1. Proactive Enforcement: Unlike past elections where vote buying was flagged post hoc, Amupitan is directing security agencies to act in real time. He has tasked them not to “spare anybody” engaged in vote trading.
2. Data Integrity: INEC used AFIS to remove over 2,000 cases of double registration from the Ekiti register, ensuring that the 1,059,660 figure is credible. Amupitan called the register “the foundation upon which free, fair and credible elections are built.”
3. Stakeholder Collaboration: Amupitan urged parties to scrutinize the register and report discrepancies within the legal window, signaling a collaborative rather than adversarial approach.
4. Technology and Timeliness: He referenced improvements in electronic result transmission in recent off-cycle polls, noting faster collation and greater transparency. For Ekiti, INEC has already completed seven of nine activities in its timetable, with campaigns ending June 18 and voting on June 20.
Why Ekiti Matters
Ekiti is an off-cycle election, but its significance extends beyond the state. It is the first governorship poll under Amupitan’s chairmanship following Anambra and the FCT, and it precedes the Osun governorship in August and the 2027 general elections. If INEC can deliver a credible process with minimal vote buying and high public confidence, it will reinforce trust ahead of 2027. If not, critics will point to Ekiti as evidence that reforms remain superficial.
The lessons from Anambra and the FCT are being consciously applied. From Anambra, INEC is replicating rigorous deployment and PVC collection strategies. From the FCT, it is tightening enforcement against vote buying and seeking to avoid the trap of low turnout and logistical lapses. Amupitan’s direct engagement with Ekiti stakeholders, his public warnings, and his emphasis on prosecution suggest an institutional shift toward accountability.
Challenges Ahead
No election is without risk. Vote buying remains entrenched, and security agencies must demonstrate independence and resolve. Voter apathy, if not addressed through sustained mobilization, could undermine the credibility of the outcome despite procedural improvements. INEC must also ensure that BVAS functionality and logistics are flawless from the start, avoiding the delays seen in parts of Anambra.
Moreover, Amupitan must balance enforcement with impartiality. The perception that INEC is targeting one party while ignoring another could erode confidence. Transparency in how vote-buying cases are handled will be critical.
Conclusion
Prof. Joash Amupitan’s vow to arrest vote buyers and his presentation of the Ekiti register last week are not isolated gestures. They are part of a broader strategy to make the June 20 Ekiti governorship election a model for INEC under his leadership. By drawing on the successes and shortcomings of the Anambra governorship and FCT council polls, INEC is attempting to operationalize a rule of law-compliant approach to election management.
Ekiti’s 1,059,660 voters will determine whether this strategy works. If polling units open on time, if BVAS functions, if vote buyers face arrest and prosecution, and if the results command public trust, then Amupitan will have made his case. Ekiti could then stand as a reference point for credible elections in Nigeria — proof that with preparation, enforcement, and fidelity to the law, INEC can deliver. The eyes of the nation are on Ado-Ekiti.






